Crime Busters of SA: farm murders 2001-2003
Solidarity trade union: - list of farm murders
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- New light on the ‘struggle’ for South Africa
- What is going on in Rustenburg?
- Farmer Bart Kellerman shot, Stelkloof farm, Botriv...
- What is going on with the Pretoria police?
- WC2010 crime will get swift justice…
- The future of the Boer and Orania
- Rasta singer accused of treason
- Boycot Vodafone campaign over racist policies
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- A Stuijt
- Retired South African medical journalist, ex-Sunday Times of Johannesburg.
People's War: New Light on the Struggle for South Africa
September 20th, 2009 - A hard-hitting new book by Dr Anthea Jeffery of the SA Institute of Race Relations has the ANC freaking out because Dr Jeffery has fearlessly exposed the "Struggle" for what it was, and wasn't.
it was a murderous, blood-soaked and genocidal campaign of systemic terror by a criminal gang of Soviet, East German, Cuban & Chinese-sponsored communist terrorist thugs to seize control of the country by any means necessary, and for purposes of absolute power and to further the aims of internationalist communism. In this they succeeded: and even more importantly, Dr Jeffery’s book also shows that the ANC-cabal continues its struggle to this day.
The fraud of the century
Dr Jeffrey sets out the chilling strategy and methods in pain-staking detail. Concluding the book, she confirms that the 1994 General Election was so utterly chaotic that no final and genuine result could be computed. Massive fraud, vote-rigging, gerrymandering, open intimidation of voters at voting stations by ANC & PAC loyalists and stuffing of ballot boxes was the order of the day. All of this was overseen by the IEC (Independent Electoral Commission) whose officials were (and still are, to this day) card-carrying members of the ANC / SA Communist Party / Cosatu alliance, or members of the supposedly neutral UN observer teams.
Brute force & Mob rule: tyranny of the majorit
To add insult to injury, they cynically redrew municipal boundaries & voter district "re-delimitation" and overruled existing jurisdictions.
- Predominantly White areas were paired with black areas comprising massive majorities. Sandton with Alexandra, Johannesburg with Soweto , Pretoria with Atteridgeville, Mamelodi and Soshanguve.
In this manner, they ensured that an area like Sandton which had 200.000 White voters, most of whom supported the DA, ended up being ruled by the ANC ogres in next door Alexandra with its teeming population of 800,000. The same pattern of ochlocratist subjugation was repeated\ everywhere else in the country.
In areas like the Western Cape, which since time immemorial had little or no indigenous black inhabitants, hundreds of
thousands of ANC voting fodder were bused in to Cape Town, Knysna, Plettenberg Bay and other towns. This tactic was also employed in Natal . Having imported these aliens from the Eastern Cape and elsewhere, these blacks were simply dumped on the outskirts of existing sparsely populated (as it was pre 1994) black Cape townships, which then quickly erected the mushrooming squatter camps we see today.
In spite of this obvious and untenable voting fraud on such a massive scale, a small cabal of white sellout politicians and Marxist ANC officials then entered into secret negotiations to decide an arbitrary "result". Driven by relentless ANC / SACP intimidation which included open threats of civil war and the spectre of complete anarchy and violent chaos, the De Klerk & Mandela-led cabal thumb-sucked a few percentages, wrote them down on a piece of paper
and then trotted out Judge Johann Kriegler to lend an air of juristic integrity to this mind-numbing fraud. The eager to please Kriegler duly certified the election as "free and fair", and the rest is history.
This is how your country was stolen from you, White South Africa. Since 27 April 1994, you have been ruled by an
illegitimate government - a vicious gang of immoral, hateful thieves, liars and murderers masquerading as a legitimately elected government.
A government who enjoys hardly any support amongst most Whites, and whose black support was entirely predicated upon terror and intimidation.
Dr Dan Roodt in his excellent book "The Scourge of the ANC" proved that the ANC countrywide had not even 10% support in 1990. Prior to 1990, the ANC was quite literally a few degenerates lounging about in Lusaka in fly-blown, dusty hovels armed mainly with fax machines and copies of Das Kapital.
Dr Jeffreys does a brilliant job describing how this monstrously blood-thrsty gang of psychopathic criminals set about
instilling fear and terror into the black population through necklacing, torture, intimidation and sheer murder, so as to achieve electoral hegemony which even then, still had to be finalised through sleight of hand, fraud and deception.
Relentless demonisation of whites by ANC explained…
Germane tto the main subject is the question of why the ANC (initially through the Truth & Reconciliation Commission" and afterwards through its propaganda minions the SABC et al) set about fomenting so much racial hatred between White and Black.
- The relentless demonisation of whites at every turn has polarized relations between the two main race groups to levels never ever seen in South Africa .
The short answer was given to me by a highly placed black businessman (who conceded that it went way too
far and has now attained an unstoppable momentum of its own), and which according to him even worries the more moderate elements within the ANC.
He said that SA was fragmented due to the highly tribal nature of the Zulus, Xhosas and other ethnic groups and that the ANC's greatest fear was an internecine conflict between the black tribes. By poisoning the racial well and scapegoating whites, they were able to create an artificial racial solidarity where blacks stood together against the 'evil White oppressor'.
- Examples of this abound, but a rather sweet irony is the recent debacle surrounding Judge Kriegler who was instrumental in forming the Black Lawyers Association etc. -- dared to take on the ANC-appointed JSC, and to his horror discovered that his former black comrades have all turned their backs on him, purely on the premise of black racial solidarity.
Only by continuously inventing "White mischief" and misdeeds and endlessly focusing on it (such as that recently seen at JHB Airport by Malema, Chuene & Winnie Mandela) can the ANC deflect attention from its own incompetence as well as from internecine tribal conflict.
Review of People's War
On Thursday 03/09/2009 a new book by Dr Anthea Jeffery, Head of Special Research at the South African Institute of Race Relations, was launched. Entitled People's War: New Light on the Struggle for South Africa , the book has been published by Jonathan Ball Publishers. The book focuses on the political transition which brought the ANC to power in 1994.
Unlike other accounts, it gives full weight to the ANC's strategy of people's war, which went far beyond the simpler strategy of 'armed struggle' on which the organisation had embarked in 1961. The book shows the extraordinary success of the people's war in giving the ANC a virtual monopoly on power. It also shows the great cost at which this was achieved. Apart from the terror, the destruction, and the 20,500 political killings which marked the period from 1984 to 1994, the people's war set in motion forces that cannot easily be reversed. For violence cannot be turned off "like a tap", as the ANC suggested, and neither can anarchy easily be converted into order.
Dr Jeffery's speech at the launch follows:
'One way of understanding people's war is to look back at events in the Eastern Cape in 1985, for that was where the people's war first escalated. In that year, there were prolonged school boycotts which many pupils disliked but nevertheless joined because of intimidation. There were also major consumer boycotts, which again had some support but were also unpopular because they required people to pay much higher prices in spaza shops. In addition, there was a three-day stayaway in March, which Azapo and the powerful Fosatu unions opposed because the stoppage would put jobs and pay at risk.
But participation in the stayaway was nevertheless virtually total: partly out of support for the anti-apartheid cause, but mainly out of fear. Said Fosatu (the forerunner of Cosatu):
'Our members will not go to work, not because they support the stayaway in principle, but because we know that violence will be the order of the day. Our members won't go to work because they are intimidated.'
Twelve people were killed during the stayaway, adding to the fear. However, it was the rising incidence of necklace executions that sparked real terror. Necklace killings reportedly began with the murder of a black councillor in Uitenhage near Port Elizabeth in March. This councillor, the notorious Tamsanqa Kinikini, was trapped, together with his two sons, by a mob inflamed by recent police shootings at Langa, in which 20 people had died.
- Kinikini's elder son tried to escape but was caught by the crowd and hacked and burnt to death. Moments before the mob took hold of Kinikini, the councillor took out his gun and shot his other son dead to save him from the same fate. Then the crowd dragged Kinikini away and hacked and burnt him to death.
Later in the year, in a two-week period in October, eight people were necklaced in Port Elizabeth . Two other men would
also have been killed this way, but they managed to escape and told their story to the Sunday Times. Their 'crime' was that they had refused to help in the burning of a policeman's home. For this they were sentenced by a people's court to 25 strokes and execution by the necklace method. The two men were badly hurt by the beatings and were
lucky to escape with their lives.
Less fortunate was a youth named Pakamisa Nogwaza, for he was the first (but by no means the last) Azapo member to be necklaced in conflict between the UDF and Azapo. Also less lucky was Nosipho Zamela, the 18-year-old mother of a three-year old child, who lived in the Mlungisi township in Queenstown in the Eastern Cape .
- In December 1985 Nosipho was brought before a people's court on charges of having collaborated with the police. An eyewitness claimed she had been seen climbing into a police vehicle, which she denied. But after a thorough whipping, she confessed her 'guilt' and it was decided to necklace her. Petrol and tyres were obtained and she was made to wheel one of the tyres through the township to the execution spot. There, the tyres were placed around her, covered in petrol, and set ablaze while youths danced around her flaming body,
scattering only when they heard the approach of a police vehicle. By the time the police arrived, Nosipho was dead.
It was also in the Eastern Cape that security policemen killed Matthew Goniwe and three other men in June 1985. Goniwe was an underground ANC member who had been instrumental in setting up civic associations, street committees, and people's courts in the region. The police had tried detaining him, but his detention had simply led
to more boycotts and unrest, adding to the ANC's strategy of making South Africa ungovernable and failing to calm the situation. 'We had to chop off the head of the destabilising forces in the area,' a security police captain later told the TRC. So the police intercepted Goniwe's car, killed him and his three colleagues, and burnt and mutilated their bodies to make it seem they had been killed as part of the UDF/Azapo feud.
Both the earlier Langa shootings and the killing of Goniwe and his colleagues caused a huge outcry across the country and around the world. Despite police denials in relation to the Cradock Four, the government was widely blamed for these deaths, eroding its legitimacy still further.
Matthew Goniwe and the Cradock Four became household names around the globe. By contrast, few remember Tamsanqa Kinikini, and fewer still remember the fate his children suffered. Nor Pakamisa Nogwaza. Their necklace executions were briefly reported and quickly forgotten, for the media seemed to have no interest in highlighting their deaths.
These events show the strategy of people's war at work. This type of revolutionary war does not depend for its success on the clash of competing armies. Neither does it rest upon bomb attacks, though these provide one ingredient in the whole. People's war has two main facets, the political struggle and the military struggle, and
together they constitute the hammer and the anvil between which all adversaries are crushed. In this kind of conflict, no distinction is drawn between combatants and civilians. Instead all individuals living within the arena of conflict are regarded as weapons of war (hence the term, 'people's war'). This makes them all expendable in the waging of
the war, in the same way as arms and ammunition are expendable in a conventional conflict.
- It also means that children are just as expendable as adults.
Political struggles take many forms: meetings, marches, boycotts, sanctions, stayaways, and strikes. But the most persistent element in the political struggle is the propaganda campaign. This involves the constant repetition of certain themes by the revolutionary organisation, the allied entities it helps to create, and many in the media. This constant repetition, endorsed from a host of seemingly diverse quarters, soon has great impact on public perspectives. The false (or incomplete) version of events becomes accepted as the truth; while contrary views are brushed aside as
mistaken and uninformed.
The political struggles are vital because they reinforce the impression of a society in ferment. This gives cover to the
physical attacks which would otherwise seem too brutal to be condoned.
- Among the key targets for attack are local councillors and policemen, for people's war aims to create a series of local anarchies: to drive out third-tier administration, limit attempts at policing, and create semi-liberated areas under the control of street committees, civic associations, and people's courts. Combat units are also formed to 'defend' these areas and bring the local population under further revolutionary control through a mix of agitation, coercion, and terror.
As anarchy spreads, the economy stutters, poverty grows, the security forces frequently resort to draconian and/or illegal methods, and new grievances are created to spur on the people's war.
The underlying aim at all times is not only to rob the incumbent government of its will to rule, but also to weaken or
destroy political rivals. This is vital in order to ensure the revolutionary organisation's hegemony at the time of the transition. Rival organisations are thus subjected to a barrage of physical and propaganda attacks, aimed both at crippling their operation and alienating their support base. Leaders within the rival group are particularly targeted, while supporters suffer repeated and often random attacks.
At the same time, the rival organisation is constantly accused of being solely to blame for violence. The deaths of leaders and supporters of the rival organisation are generally ignored by commentators, but if the rival organisation begins to lash out at the revolutionaries, then the violence for which it is undoubtedly responsible is magnified and used to discredit it still further. A major aim in people's war is thus to goad both the security forces and rival organisations into over-reaction, the more massive the better.
F W de Klerk was a great help in getting the insurgents back into the country:
“People's war is very difficult to combat. P W Botha tried to end the people's war in the 1980s through emergency rule and the promise of reform. F W de Klerk tried to end it through political appeasement. The ANC was able to turn both approaches to its advantage.
- “De Klerk's negotiations policy was particularly helpful to the revolutionary alliance, for it meant that all its constituent elements were unbanned while some 13,000 umkhonto insurgents became entitled to return to South Africa , thus overcoming the great difficulty the ANC had earlier faced in infiltrating them illegally.”
“With these trained and armed men back inside South Africa , the ANC was able to expand its local combat units (termed SDUs) and increase its hold over a growing number of semi-liberated areas.
- “For the ANC had never had any intention of giving up any aspect of the people's war when negotiations began. Rather, despite its public commitments to peace, its plan was always to use negotiations as nothing more than an additional 'terrain of struggle'.
200 policemen a year killed from 1991:
From 1991, when 13,000 Umkhonto insurgents returned to South Africa , the number of policemen killed averaged 200 a year. Many of these policemen were killed either when they were off duty, or by luring them into ambushes via fake emergency calls to which they were bound to respond.
Azapo and the PAC suffered a series of attacks aimed at driving them out of some of their remaining strongholds. In
the first seven months of 1990, Muntu Myeza and four other Azapo or PAC activists were killed in unexplained car accidents, prompting an Azapo spokesman to comment:
- 'We need to know what has suddenly gone wrong with the cars in this country that they are killing all the activists.'
In 1993 Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi informed the press that 275 IFP leaders had been killed since 1985, and queried why this death toll was 'of no consequence' to the media and the broader society. He also asked how negotiations could proceed or a fair election could be held when 'people were being shot for belonging to the wrong political party'.
He repeatedly demanded that De Klerk disband Umkhonto and strip it of its weapons. But both De Klerk and Buthelezi had been so demonised for their alleged role in the Third-Force violence supposedly to blame for all the killings that De
Klerk was reluctant to make such a move. Buthelezi withdrew from negotiations in protest and was dismissed as nothing but a 'spoiler'.
The international community either failed to understand or chose not to do so. It put huge pressure on De Klerk to meet the ANC's demands, while criticising Buthelezi and his allies for their 'brinkmanship'.
- The ANC repeatedly accused Buthelezi of seeking to 'rise to power on the corpses of black people' and the IFP of wanting to 'drown democracy in blood'. By the time of the deeply flawed election in April 1994, the IFP had become the eternal Other (the equivalent, as one commentator has put it, of the Jew in Nazi Germany).
In addition, the PAC and Azapo had been neutralised, the NP and the DP had been barred from canvassing in black areas, and De Klerk had been thoroughly discredited.
The 1994 election was so chaotic that no accurate result could be computed. Hence, its final outcome was essentially the product of negotiation. The ANC was accorded 63% of the vote, but this might well have exaggerated its true support. Opposition parties initially wanted to challenge the election result, but in the end they chose rather to accept it. For to question the outcome or demand a re-run of the poll was to risk throwing the country into the vortex of
the people's war once more - and few people had the stomach for that.
Most South Africans preferred to take comfort in the notion of a miracle transition and to hope that this would bring about the bright new future the ANC had long been promising.
However, much of the promise of that bright new start has been betrayed over the last 15 years. This is largely because the people's war has had major and continuing ramifications.
South Africa got a hollowed-out democracy due to the People’s War:
It meant, for one, that we began with a hollowed out democracy, stripped of any strong black opposition party and with inadequate guarantees against future abuses of power. The people's war has also contributed to South
Africa 's plague of violent crime, if only because it turned policemen into targets of attack, loosened moral constraints, drew youngsters into heinous acts of violence, and flooded the country with illegal weapons, many of which have never been recovered. The people's war now also has its aftermath in the increasingly violent protests visible
across the country, including the recent stand-off between policemen and rebellious soldiers at the Union Buildings.
“ For once the techniques of ungovernability have been widely taught, that knowledge cannot be withdrawn. The genie cannot simply be put back inside the bottle.”
Since the people's war strategy was a Marxist-Leninist one, it also cemented the influence of communists over the ANC and gave added reason for Chris Hani, (the later murdered) general secretary of the SACP, to say in 1991, 'We in the Communist Party have participated in and built the ANC. We have made the ANC what it is today and the ANC is our organisation.' Hence, it is also not surprising that, following a hiatus in the late 1990s, when the Gear strategy was in force, communist influence over the ANC has again come strongly to the fore.
- The ANC still continues ‘the struggle”
- Nor is it surprising that the ANC, having won the first stage of the struggle via its people's war, refuses to become an ordinary political party. Instead, it continues to regard itself as a national liberation movement committed to a national democratic revolution, the ultimate goals of which have never been fully explained but which continues to influence almost every major policy decision the government takes.
“This book helps to remove the veil which has been drawn across our past and enables us to see it more clearly. It equips us to understand the present by comprehending more fully the events of our recent past. It also seeks to acknowledge and bring back to our recollection the thousands of ordinary people, like Nosipho Zamele of Queenstown in the eastern Cape , who died brutal deaths because they were regarded as nothing more than pawns in a power game, a battle for hegemony.' (end of her speech).
People's War: New Light on the Struggle for South Africa
By Dr Anthea Jeffery
Paperback: 676 pages
Publisher: Jonathan Ball Publishers (1 Feb 2010) order from: http://www.jonathanball.co.za/
please note: you won’t find the book advertised on the publisher’s website for some reason. http://www.sairr.org.za/sairr-today/news_item.2009-09-03.4310602162/?searchterm=_Dr_Anthea_Jeffery
Police suspect arson after Palm Lodge burns down: it’s right across the police station…
November 21 2009 -- The FIFA WC2010-accredited Rustenburg Palm Lodge guest house in downtown Rustenburg burned to the ground in the early hours of Saturday morning, police said. All guests were saved by the quick reaction of the police – the police station is right across the rustic lodge.
And another terrifying incident which may, or may not be connected, also occurred at the nearby Aquarius Platinum mine, when disgruntled employees fought their way down a mine-shaft, stole explosives, set booby traps and injured three explosives experts from the SAPS who were trying to dismantle them…
Picture: the unique thatched-grass roof of the lodge was built only recently – and to the most meticulous fire- and lightning safety specifications by Con-Thatch, which is South Africa’s most professional and experienced thatching company. SAPA writes that police are investigating a case of arson. http://www.placesforafrica.com/rustenburg-palm-lodge/
Rustenburg is one of the venues for the two-week football event in June 2010 and the lodge was recently completed.
"Police saw smoke coming from the Palm Lodge," Rustenburg police Senior Superintendent Kebaakae Metsi said. Police investigated and found the hotel was burning, with guests still asleep. They proceeded to evacuate the building. "Thanks to police action all the people were saved and no one was injured," Metsi said.
The lodge was located right along the WC2010 football tournament route to the nearby stadium and was listed on tourism sites as an accredited accommodation for the FIFA tournament. http://www.placesforafrica.com/rustenburg-palm-lodge/ Sapa http://www.iol.co.za/index.php?set_id=1&click_id=139&art_id=nw20091121132507546C558026
What is going on in North West province anyway?
Explosion hits during mine sit-in : 3 explosives-unit cops injured
November 21 2009 Police arrested some 30 employees at a Rustenburg platinum mine after the Aquarius Platinum Mine was invaded by disgruntled workers who endangered the mining operations by setting booby traps, beat up colleagues and blocked access to the entrance with a sit-in. When explosion rocked the site, injuring three police officers, all members of the provincial exlosives task force who were trying to clean up the booby traps, the police ‘d had enough and arrested the protestors this week.
It all started on Thursday evening, when three former employees of mining contractor Murray and Roberts also staged a sit-in at the central shaft of the Aquarius Platinum Mine in Kroondal outside Rustenburg, Senior Superintendent Musa Zondi said.
The miners were protesting their dismissal from the company after an illegal strike a few weeks ago. The mine’s executive chairman is the Zambian-born, UK-educated mining engineering expert, Mr Stuart Murray. He also did not supply comment. He can be reached at telephone 011 455-2050.
"Following the arrest of the three, 32 former employees of MRC forced their way down the mine, assaulting current employees who numbered at least twenty five," Zondi said.
Demanded Unemployment Insurance Fund certificates:
Police are still investigating how and when the miners gained access to the shaft. They demanded the immediate issuance of their Unemployment Insurance Fund certificates. These would give them the right to unemployment benefits for the next six months.
Mine management then withdrew employees who were underground. However, these miners were assaulted on their way to the surface.
Police forces, including task force members, explosives experts and negotiators, were deployed on Friday to stabilise the situation.
- "While forcing their way down the mine, the disgruntled former employees illegally gained access to explosives and set up "booby traps" to prevent special forces from reaching them," Zondi said.
"Two Task Force as well as a member from the Provincial Explosives Unit in the North West were injured by the shrapnel when the booby traps went off," he said. Police arrested the 32 on charges ranging from attempted murder, illegal possession of explosives, malicious damage to property, trespassing and assault. They will appear in the Rustenburg Magistrates Court on Monday."SAPS also managed to confiscate a number of explosives, including shock tubes and blasting cartridges," Zondi said. The injured police explosives experts were taken to the George Shimakane Hospital. Mkhululi Duka, the mine’s Human Resources and Transformation general manager, did not comment. //www.iol.co.za/index.php?set_id=1&click_id=13&art_id=nw20091121160412314C744429
More trouble expected at the platinum mines: miners demand payouts of their pension-funds
Solidarity trade union’s labour expert Jan de lange recently warned that widespread strikes of millions of workers are brewing in at least seven sectors countrywide – including at the two platinum mines at Kroondal and Marikana – which are run as combined ventures by Aquarius and AngloPlatinum. Wildcat strikes are expected over demands of 11% wage-increases and with miners demanding immediate payouts of all their pension savings. Negotiations about the issues have practically broken down. http://www.solidaritysa.co.za/Tuis/wmview.php?ArtID=1000
Four Rustenburg policemen arrested -- and released -- for rape of Pretoria woman in cells
7 November 2009 -- North West MEC for Public Safety, Howard Yawa comments on the Independent Complaints Directorate (ICD) for the arrest of four Rustenburg policemen for the alleged rape of a woman while she was in police custody. However, only days later, the men were released. The Pretoria woman who lodged the complaint said the four suspects had not been placed in the line-up which took place at the Brits police station several days later – and thus she also did not identify them… http://www.sundaytribune.co.za/?fSectionId=&fArticleId=vn20091110035807468C631204
The four suspects were arrested on the suspicion that one of them raped the woman in the police cells. The complainant in the case alleges that three of the policemen who were in another office at the time were aware of the rape that occurred on the night of 29 September 2009 but did not come to her rescue during the ordeal.
“Police stations are supposed to be places of safety for the weak and vulnerable, therefore the occurrence of a despicable and heinous crime at a police station allegedly committed by a member of the police service is deplorable to say the least,” says MEC Yawa. MEC Yawa has welcomed progress in the investigations and calls on the ICD to finalise the investigation into the alleged rape as a matter of urgency. Yawa says that the scope of the investigation should include the alleged refusal of Tlhabane police to open a case against the suspect or suspects when the complainant went to the police station to open a case the day after the alleged rape.
The complainant opened the case against the suspect or suspects at Hercules South African Police Service (SAPS) station in Gauteng whereupon it was transferred to Rustenburg police station for investigation. Enquiries: Lesiba Moses Kgwele Tel: 018 381 9171 Cell: 083 629 1987 Fax: 018 381 9123 E-mail: LKgwele@nwpg.gov.za Issued by: Department of Public Safety, North West Provincial Government 7 November 2009 http://www.info.gov.za/speeches/2009/09110909351002.htm
The rape saga of the Pretoria woman took a turn for even worse when the suspects then were released. The shocked woman and her attorney have accused police of deliberately not putting the suspects, who are all Rustenburg policemen, in the line-up at the Brits police station.
- They weren’t there: A Rustenburg prosecutor earlier this week refused to put the case on the court roll so that an order could be obtained to compel the alleged rapist and three of his colleagues to stand in a line-up and give blood for DNA analysis.
The policeman's three colleagues are alleged to have sat in an office and ignored the woman's screams for help while she was raped in the bathroom of the Rustenburg police station in September. The Independent Complaints Directorate (ICD) took over the investigation after the police probe seemed to be going nowhere.
- Because of the allegedly botched line-up, says the ICD, the suspects will be released and will not be expected to provide DNA samples.
The woman's attorney, Delia de Vries, said her client was adamant that the four policemen, including the alleged assailant, had not been in the line-up. "When my client walked into the room and looked at the men, she said the policemen who had been involved in her attack were not there. She was told that they were, but she is adamant that they were not and that they were deliberately left out of the parade," she said.
- Mysterious white car watching her house:
"We will not give up even though my client is receiving death threats and has a mysterious white car, with no registration plates, parked outside her home every morning.
- "There are people out there who are trying to intimidate my client but we will continue to pursue this matter to the very end," said De Vries.
ICD spokesman Moses Dlamini confirmed that the four policemen ‘ were not identified in the line-up. This, however, does not mean our investigation is over." He said the men had been released and ‘ had been ruled out as suspects in the case.’ http://www.iol.co.za/index.php?art_id=vn20091114103754120C587614
Unrest over the past two years over ‘poor service delivery’ in North West province:
Civic organisation condemns violent North West protests - The South African National Civic Organisation (Sanco) condemned the violent protests by angry North West residents over poor service delivery. Although Sanco has been behind some of the protests itself, the organisation's provincial secretary, Gabriel Nkgweng, later said the organisation ‘did not condone the violent nature that had characterised some of the protests’.
- "We strongly condemn any violence. As an organisation we are for peaceful demonstrations, which will help highlight the plight of the people." Nkgweng said the widespread protests had been caused by the municipalities' failure to keep the public informed about ‘service delivery ‘ in the area."There is a poor communication between the local municipalities and the community regarding issues that have to do with development in the area. "The municipalities do not want to meet the communities to discuss these issues. This has left the communities feeling isolated, which has led to the unrest," said Nkgweng.
Foreigners’ shops looted, substation torched:
Eighty protesters were arrested in Boikhutso near Lichtenburg and in Boitumelong township in Bloemhof.
Police spokesperson Superintendent Louis Jacobs said the arrests in Boikhutso came after protesters looted and damaged foreigners' shops. "The protests initially started due to people complaining about poor service delivery. They are now attacking and damaging shops belonging to foreigners -- as to how the two [are linked], I don't know," said Jacobs.
- A substation was also damaged during the protests, leaving the area without electricity overnight. Jacobs said Eskom would fix the substation . Schools and transport were disrupted by protests in Ikageleng near Zeerust. Protesters from Boitumelong township outside Bloemhof looted shops belonging to foreigners and threw stones at the police during their protests.
- Mrs Itumeleng Lethoko, the ANC-mayor of Ditsobotla municipality under which Boikhutso falls, had to be taken away from the area under police guard to protect her from angry residents.
- And this has been going on steadily for the past two years… http://www.boerevryheid.co.za/forums/showthread.php?p=85908
The young farmer was injured in an ambush by a large group of men - but kept driving to save his wife and child
2009-11-21 Malani Venter - Stellenbosch/Caledon – “It does not help us running away. These are the times in which we live,’ said Mr Kosie Kellerman, a Botrivier farmer, after his 29-year-old son was shot and injured on Wednesday-night on the farm Stelkloof near Botrivier in the Western Cape.
Mr. Bartholomeus Kellerman arrived at his farmhouse near his father’s at around 9pm with his wife and child after a trip to Grabouw. They suspected problems because the curtains were drawn and the lights were burning inside the homestead – so the young farmer stepped on the gas-pedal and hottailed it out of there to his father’s homestead. As he drove through the farm-gates, he was shot at twice by two men who were hiding there, said police captain William Solomons, commander of the Caledon police. The young farmer was injured in his left-side but continued driving to his dad’s homestead where the police was alerted. He was rushed to the Vergelegen Medi-Clinic in Somerset West. His condition was not made known in this report. Solomons said they weren’t certain of the exact number of men who may have been involved in the ambush. Anyone with information may contact the investigating officer, inspector J Newman at telephone 0 028 214 3916 Die Burger http://www.dieburger.com/Content/Suid-Afrika/Nuus/1708/0f740ce0a75c417597266d5072388afb/21-11-2009-01-09/Man_op_plaas_naby_Botrivier_geskiet
November 21 2009 By Barry Bateman, Mogomotsi Magome and Graeme Hosken
Eddie Hayman, a man of the Moot in Pretoria, was forced to spend several hours behind bars after being charged with assaulting a policeman -- who had allegedly just beaten his seven-month pregnant fiancée Marcelle Erasmus to the ground. Hayman, 21, was only released on Friday, and the charge of assault against him dropped, once he had ‘agreed to drop the charge of assault’ he had laid against a senior police officer - acting Die Moot police station commissioner Superintendent Solomons.
Hayman also said he was also threatened that the police would arrest his pregnant fiancée if he continued with his attempt to lay charges against Solomons.
'When he started pushing me to the car, Marcelle came to help'
Hayman's fiancée, Marcelle Erasmus, 19 said she was also manhandled by the police. "As I tried to inquire why they were harassing my husband and his workers, the commissioner slapped me on my breasts and I almost fell flat on the ground, using my hands to stay up.’ the pregnant Afrikaans woman said.
"I was surprised that police officers would behave in that way when they were supposed to be protecting citizens. I had never seen anything like that before," said Erasmus.
The drama started on Friday morning when police, including Solomons, had stopped and searched Hayman's three employees - Klaas Visagie, Bernades Cupido and David Ngwenya - who were working in the family's 22nd Avenue front garden. ( It’s not known why they decided to do this.)
- Hayman's father, Peter, claims the police manhandled the trio which in turn upset Erasmus. She asked why police were treating the men in such a violent manner but was told in explicit language to mind her own business.
Racist language towards workers by commissioner Solomons alleged:
Minutes later all the police left without arresting anyone . Visagie alleged that while he was being searched, Solomons said "julle boesmanne is op in die wit mense se gatte" (you bushmen are up the white people's backside). The wórd Bushman is vile racist insult in the Afrikaans language.
The Pretoria News headlined this story right next to a large picture of Pres. Jacob Zuma surrounded by Miss World contestants and a dramatic rescue of stranded, flooded Hammanskraal residents…
Cupido said he wasn't searched but was told that he would be taken to the police station to be "profiled". "When he started pushing me to the car, Marcelle came to help." Peter Hayman said when Solomon forced Cupido into the car, Erasmus touched his arm to prevent him from doing so. Solomon allegedly lashed out at the woman, hitting her hard on her breasts.
As Erasmus fell, Eddie Hayan rushed to her aid. It was then that the three officers apparently attacked Hayman. Solomon allegedly throttled him while the other two beat him with fists and a truncheon. Peter Hayman then arrived on the scene and pulled the officers off his son.
By that time a back-up vehicle had arrived. Peter alleged that the officers threatened to shoot the family's dogs because they were making noise. Minutes later all the police left without arresting anyone.
Arrested for lodging a charge against police: Hayman later went to the police station to open up a charge of assault against Solomons. Solomons evidently warned Hayman that if he opened the case there would be consequences. But, Hayman opened the case and was given a case number. As he was leaving, he was arrested and detained and told he would be charged with assaulting a police officer.
- Solomons allegedly told Hayman's lawyer, who did not want to be identified, that if he didn't drop the case Hayman would spend the weekend in the holding cells. Hayman did eventually drop the case so he could secure his freedom and was released at about 4pm.
"How can a man of his position behave the way he does and think that he will get away with it?" said Peter Hayman.
Hayman said he would take legal advice on what steps to take against the officers and their station commissioner as he was aggrieved by how they were all treated.
- At the police station, police spokesperson Inspector Dwayne Lightfoot claimed in a statement to the Pretoria News that Solomons had instead insisted that ‘ an assault on a police officer did take place. ‘ – and that Solomons ‘would not explain why Hayman was not arrested. ‘
Independent Complaints Directorate spokesman Moses Dlamini expressed concern about the alleged assault, saying that the matter would be investigated immediately. "What the police have done and their behaviour is completely incorrect, especially that of the station commissioner, whose alleged conduct is totally unacceptable," he said.
He said the police had no right not to assist a member of the public in opening a case and that if they failed to in this case the ICD would assist the victims. This article was originally published on page 1 of Pretoria News on November 21, 2009 http://www.iol.co.za/index.php?set_id=1&click_id=15&art_id=vn20091121083715875C536273
Suspect in attack on Pienaar family freed in cop ‘bungle’’ - family lives in fear of armed gang watching their house
PRETORIA NEWS. Shoddy police work has allowed a robber - shot and wounded in a struggle with Pretoria homeowner Waldie Pienaar- to go free.
The suspect, who is ‘believed to have disappeared after charges against him were withdrawn last week’, was shot in the groin when he and his three accomplices attacked the Pienaar family in their home in Edgehill Street, Queenswood. The family's domestic worker, who was in an outside room at the time, gave those inside the house a warning when she spotted three of the intruders walking past her room. This gave them time to call for help.
First to arrive was the Pienaars' son Waldie, who lives close to his parents' home. He foiled the attack when he shot one of the robbers through a kitchen window, moments before the robber could attack his father.
Pienaar's cousin and uncle, who also responded to the call for help, arrested one of the robbers as he fled through open veld. While searching the man they found Waldie's parents' cellphones and jewellery belonging to his mother.
The two became involved in a struggle with the man when he pulled out a gun hidden inside his underpants and tried to shoot them. During the struggle a shot was fired and the attacker was hit in the groin.
- The family's relief that at least one of their attackers had been arrested turned to rage when they heard he had subsequently been released from hospital.
Arrogant cop: The reason, claim police, is that ‘vital statements used to link an arrested suspect to a crime scene, were not taken’. "When I heard that the man had been released I could not believe it. I was dumbfounded. When I phoned the investigating officer he was arrogant and did not seem to care. "When I told him it was because of his pathetic work that the gunman was free he told me he did not care about my opinion," said Pienaar, adding that he had only been informed on Friday when he began asking questions after he heard rumours about the suspect's release.
Pienaar said: "They didn't even think to tell us, and they have yet to apologise.
- "How can a policeman not do something so small as to make sure that a vital statement needed to link a suspect to a crime scene has been taken," he said.
Afrikaner family now under observance from sinister group men in car:
He said that since the man's release the family had been uneasy as a group of unknown men had been seen parked outside his and his parents' home twice last week.
- They came to kill us:
- "These people came into our home the first time to kill us. Their intention was clear then, and it is even clearer now. They know who we are and where we live and they know that we can identify them," Pienaar said.
He claimed that the police work, especially by the investigating officer, was pathetic. "When the police first started chasing after one of the suspects a lot of them stopped because he was shooting at them. Now, a vital statement linking a suspect to the crime scene has not been taken. He claimed that despite repeated calls to the investigating officer to hand over their statements, he had not been available.
- His gun was taken away by the police – so he can’t defend his family:
- “Police at the time warned us to be careful about retaliation attacks, but now they have let one of these guys go. "I am gravely concerned for my family's safety, but can't defend them because my gun has been taken away," said Pienaar. "How am I expected to defend my family if the cops can't, and I don't have the means to?" he asked.
Police Sergeant Lynnette Erasmus confirmed that the suspect had been released. "He was let go because no arrest statement was taken at the time of his arrest," she said. She said an arrest statement was usually made by the first police members on the scene, and was used as part of the court proceedings to link the suspect to the crime. "It describes what he was wearing, what happened at the crime scene, the arrest process and whether he was injured or not at the time of his arrest. "We will only arrest the suspect once the necessary statements have been taken again from the police on the scene," she said. This article was originally published on page 1 of Pretoria News on November 16, 2009 http://www.iol.co.za/index.php?set_id=1&click_id=15&art_id=vn20091116042822513C884251
Special courts for World Cup – but where will the judges be found?Nov 21, 2009 -- PRETORIA. The SA government hopes the promise of ‘swift justice’ will help stamp out crime during the FIFA World Cup 2010 tournaments – and ease worries of foreign fans visiting the world's most violently-criminal country.
The special-courts scheme will cost about one million rands, for 54 courts to operate in all nine host cities, 15 hours a day from May 28 to July 25. "The courts are here to speed the process. There is not going to be any leniency," said justice department spokesman Tlali Tlali. "We're going to deal with all cases that have to do with the tournament," he said.
So who will find the judges?
Whether enough judges can be found to hold this speedy courts however, is another question: many cases are being postponed for months or even years right now due to the terrible shortage of judges: http://www.iol.co.za/index.php?set_id=1&click_id=15&art_id=vn20091117131823679C200296
An average of 90 people die violently every day in murders and homicides in South Africa, while 250,000 homes are burgled every year and more than 37,500 families are attacked by armed gangs inside their homes each year.
View the SAPS statistics - but please note that the murder statistics are kept seperately from the homicide statistics: these thus must be added together first to get the accurate daily violent-death rates…
The justice ministry is concerned that the expected influx of 450,000 tourists – most will arrive from other African countries -- will bring with it a surge in crime. "The experience from previous host countries has shown that the influx of foreign nationals in World Cups also potentially increases criminal activities," the justice ministry said in a statement. "Therefore, special measures do need to be put in place in order to process any criminal matters that may arise from big events such as the FIFA World Cup."
"The scheme obviously hopes to see justice done to foreigners who are the victims of crime, whilst the foreigners are available in South Africa to give evidence," said lawyer Peter Jordi, a professor at the University of the Witwatersrand in Johannesburg. "This will also act as a disincentive to commit crimes against foreigners," he added. Judges, lawyers, prosecutors and interpreters, as well as volunteers to help with administrative issues, will also receive special training for the World Cup courts. South Africa has already used a similar system during school holidays to allow traffic offenders to settle their cases in just one day. "The South African authorities are obviously aware the crime may be an issue for foreign visitors," Jordi said. "This scheme is another indication that the authorities will be harsh on those who commit crimes during the World Cup."
Shoot the bastards:
Since President Jacob Zuma took office in May, the government has stepped up efforts to fight crime, with the deputy police minister last week telling police to "shoot the bastards" when dealing with violent criminals. The so-called "shoot to kill" policy has sparked intense public debate following the shooting deaths of bystanders, including a three-year-old boy last week.
Jordi said the speed of the special courts could also limit the ability to follow up on any such cases of abuse. "Speedy justice can be problematic because accused persons are not given an adequate opportunity to consider how best to defend themselves," he said http://www.sundaytribune.co.za/index.php?fSectionId=3059&fDate=2009-11-22&fEdition=1&fIndex=1
November 17 2009 By Fatima Schroeder High Court Writer
A shortage of judges at the Cape High Court has led to the postponement of the trial of three men charged with the murder of Stanford Afrikaner businesswoman Christine Kotze. Thamsanqua Matinise, Sibusiso Ndamane and Daluvuyo Mthanyana are accused of murdering 36-year-old businesswoman Christine Kotze in April last year.
Their trial was supposed to start yesterday, but Judge Siraj Desai postponed it to April 12 next year because there were no judges to hear it. All three accused are in custody.
Judge lashes out over lack of judges:
Yesterday's postponement comes less than three months after high court judge Dennis van Reenen lashed out in open court at the lack of judges when he was tasked with postponing a murder trial for nine months for the same reason.
He questioned why the accused before him had to remain in custody for an additional nine months simply because of a shortage of judges.
- The Cape Law Society's criminal committee is concerned about the situation.
Chairman William Booth described the situation as "worrying". He said the necessary roleplayers might have to meet to discuss possible solutions. This might include the appointment of more acting judges with experience in criminal law, he said. While Booth was aware of similar concerns with civil cases, he said that the prejudice to an accused in a criminal case was greater, especially if they were in custody.
An accused is deemed innocent until proven guilty:
In addition, Booth said an accused was deemed innocent until proven guilty, and added that all accused had the right to a speedy trial.
- He said an accused faced with an unreasonable delay could apply for bail, or could ask the court to have the case struck from the roll.
Booth said there should be improvements in the system now that regional courts had extended jurisdiction. In addition, he said that the new system of holding pre-trial conferences was aimed at shortening trials. This would ensure that judges became available quicker because trials would finish sooner. He said the pre-trial conferences were successful, but not a solution. "There isn't any easy solution," he said.
Booth indicated that he intended raising the issue at the next high court meeting.
- A High Court Performance Workshop for Criminal Matters is expected to be held on Monday at the Western Cape Provincial Parliament.
Cape Judge President John Hlophe, Deputy Judge President Jeanette Traverso, Justice Department regional head Hishaam Mohamed and Western Cape Director of Public Prosecutions Rodney de Kock are expected to speak.
The shortage of judges was also an issue raised by the Cape Town Attorneys Association last month. The group discussed it at a meeting after attorneys had battled to obtain trial dates for civil cases. This article was originally published on page 6 of Cape Argus on November 17, 2009 Source:IOL
Photos and story: Jan Stürmann Pology.com
In a hot tin-roofed workshop, four young men, stripped to the waist, build coffins. With well practiced efficiency, they produce 100 caskets a month, participants in a program to create work for unemployed Afrikaners. Most are sold to bury AIDS victims in the black communities surrounding the all-Afrikaner private town of Orania.
This town of 600, situated close to the geographic center of South Africa, was established in 1991, as a place from which the soon-to-be outvoted Afrikaners,could rebuild a homeland or Boer volkstaat. Thirteen years on, despite bad press and the brunt of endless editorial cartoons, the town has endured.
Earlier in the week, I met with prominent Boer nationalist Danie Theron in the South African capital Pretoria. I had contacted Danie -- curious to find out how the Boers were faring, ten years after apartheid had ended.
Theron immediately took the opportunity to stress differences between Boer and Afrikaner, two words, which are often used interchangeably. In the world-view of the Boer, they alone made the Great Trek from the Cape in the 1830’s to establish independent Boer republics inland, whilst the Afrikaners stayed with the British and got rich. Then the Afrikaners supported the British; the Boer fought them during the Anglo-Boer war of 1899. And in 1994, the Afrikaner leaders betrayed the Boer by giving their land to black South Africans. Theron explained the Boer are deeply, conservatively religious and to survive, believe they need self-determination on land they can call their own.
In a country of 45 million, the Boer, with a total population of fewer than 1.5 million, are politically insignificant. They gambled on apartheid and lost. Now they live, a distinct nation, within a country not their own. Many Boers are again circling the wagons. The slogan for the Boer-run Radio Pretoria is “The radio without borders.”
The Boers hope that private all white towns like Orania, or Kleinfontein, 30 km east of Pretoria, will serve as seed-crystals for a future homeland. Today, 300 residents live in Kleinfontein. Residents do all their own work, run their own schools, and take care of the old and the poor. Impressive, permanent homes spread across the grassy hills.
- But when asked how long it will take to grow into a homeland, town board member Jan Groenewald admits “not in my lifetime.”
Squatter camps for Afrikaners:
Since the end of apartheid, many Afrikaners have fallen on hard times. On the edge of some towns, squatter camps of homeless Afrikaners spread like Okie camps in 1930’s California. (editor comment: Solidarity trade union’s Helping Hand charity counted 120 camps housing some 800,000 empoverished, homeless Boers and Afrikaners countrywide).
Picture by Beeld of unrest in Standerton: Afrikaners and Boers now have to form private citizen-policing forums and often work as unpaid police reservists in all the cities in South Africa to protect their lives, families and businesses, with more than 37,000 families attacked inside their homes by armed black militias last year alone, according to the official SAPS records. This Standerton businessman was coopted by the police to protect the CBD from angry crowds who threatened to burn down everything in sight if they didn’t get immediate free ‘service delivery’ of water, electricity and free housing.
To help poor Boers, retired businessman Willie Venter started VolksHulp 2000, a charity organization whose objective is vaguely similar to that of the Salvation Army. It's one of the many social, political and labor organizations sprouting up in recent years to further the Boer survival cause. (editor comment: others are Helping Hand run by Solidarity trade union’s membership contributions).
Theron covers a blackboard with a spider web of affiliations, pyramids of social structures, and pie charts of power bases, describing how these organizations will help the Boer unite and organize their future.
“The Boer are a stubborn, independent, fractious people. It is in our genes. For their contrariness, our ancestors were kicked out of Holland, France and Germany. To get a majority of Boer to unite behind the Volkstaat, will take a lot of work. But we have no alternative. If we don’t pull together, we will simply not survive.”
The next day we make the three-hour drive southeast of Pretoria, to the Hill of Majuba, where on February 27, 1881, the Boer won a decisive battle against the British who, after gold was discovered, had tried to annex the Boer Republic of Transvaal. A week later, the British negotiated peace.
Since 1991, the Boer, return annually to this battle site by the thousands. Some come by horse. A village of tents and campers spread across the foot of Majuba, which rises steeply up from the surrounding grasslands. Pickup trucks share the dusty lot with expensive German sedans. An array of different flags hang off trees, tents, and poles.
Poster: foreign main-stream news hardly reports the present plight of the Boers and Afrikaners in South Africa: however the news is beginning to seep into the blogging community at a rapid rate. This hard-hitting poster was designed by Dees, the illustrator at the USA’s most outspoken conservative website http://www.rense.com
Families and old friends talk around campfires; children play between tents; and open fields and teenagers court. Women in long colorful period dresses and stiff sunbonnets mingle with those wearing khaki shirts and wide bush hats, dark from years of accumulating sweat. Large pistols share belt space with cell phones. A group practices whip cracking. Crowds cheer as teams of large, grunting men compete at tug-of-war.
Those who can, make the pilgrimage to the top of Majuba. In air thinner than my coast-bound lungs are used to, I huff up the steep path. At the summit, a group of eight Pretoria University students sit with a large, fluttering flag. They discuss the 123-year old battle—attack tactics, weapons used, numbers killed -- as if each has lived it.
“This flag,” Ebert Myburgh, 21, explains, “is one we created by combining the old Boer Republics of Transvaal and Orange Free State flags. “There are too many flags. What’s needed is one under which all Boers can unite. We hope this will be the one.”
These ordinary university students -- joking, holding hands, trying to outsmart each other -- then circle the summit like pilgrims. I talk with a young man named Andries van der Berg, walking barefoot over the stones and grass. He is studying theater and TV production and wants to use his skills to help further the Boer culture. Already he’s produced two CD’s of Volk songs. “It’s in my blood,” he says. “My great-grandfather was former Prime Minister Hendrik Verwoerd”
They plant their flag on top of a beacon, link arms in a circle, and sing about their history and people and dreams. A young woman sings a solo, her voice clear and strong and haunting. I walk away, an outsider, witnessing something too private.
Later that afternoon, under an eucalyptus tree alight with the setting sun, five young men tend to their horses. One measures grain into feedbags; another rubs ointment on cracked hooves; the third fixes a broken bridle. Chores done, they sit amongst their feeding horses and talk.
- They are part of a commando of forty-five who rode in from Pretoria, a two-day hard trek. Most make their living off the land, tend cattle, grow corn. Pride in their toughness, their horsemanship, their culture, clings to their skin like two days of sweat and grime.
They are shy and awkward around me. Pieter Grobler does most of the talking; he’s a little older, with a full beard and a body like a bear. I accidentally refer to them as Afrikaners. “We’re Boer,” he corrects, “not Afrikaners.”
I ask Pieter what will be the plight of the Boer in South Africa. He pauses momentarily, “Exactly what happened to the farmers in Zimbabwe. The government will squander the countries wealth, which the Boer created. As they run out of money, they will confiscate our farms to give to their cronies; already this is happening. But we will unite and resist. For me to let them take our land is to stab my ancestors in the back. I will fight and make my forefathers proud. The Boer will survive.”
- I ask him if he thinks black South Africans have a right to this land. “Of course they do. All I want is for them not to mess with me, and I won’t mess with them. They must leave us alone; let us practice our own culture. But the Boer and the blacks are like oil and water: we just can’t mix.”
The day before, in Pretoria, I attended a meeting of the Boer think tank Studiegroep vir Eietydse Geskiedenis (Study Group for Current History). Once a month at an upscale restaurant downtown, this group of mostly elderly men, meet in a private room adorned with scantly clad Greek and Roman goddesses. They sat at white-linened tables, sipped wine, and listened to guest speaker Christo Burger talk about the threat of Islam, the biased media, the Antichrist, and God’s special plan for the Boer nation. His business card describes him as President of the CIA (Christian Intelligence Agency), “Spreading Absolute Truth.”
- They asked ponderous questions, heard only what confirms their worldview. Like old lions they sat, growling into their wine glasses, their teeth worn down to stubs, hair gray and falling out. If evoked, their roar will still freeze blood, but most have lost the will to fight. They are disappointed and bitter and dazed.
Picture of UNPO map: the Afrikaner – politically and economically emasculated in his own country – has joined the Unrepresented Nations’ and Peoples’ organisation in The Hague to provide them with a political platform internationally. The Boers are readying to do the same.
“Adapt or die” the old saying goes. In 1994, when the black South Africans gained power, these men were too old to adapt, too young to die. Now they are old; soon they will die, and be remembered for the mistakes of their past.
It is the young Boers who will lead the Volk forward. The ones who carry new flags up mountains, who live their history, learn the songs and sing them spontaneously on former battlefields. They are too young to be burdened by the guilt of apartheid. They embrace riding in commandoes and the Internet. They live the old traditions and adapt new ones. They can imagine a Boer future and are willing to fight for it.
I spend the night sleeping under an old ox-wagon, as Orion performs a slow back-flip over Majuba. The Boers sing and talk around a bonfire until 3 am. Early the next morning I hitch a seven-hour ride to Bloemfontein. I rent a room in this small city in the Orange Free State, which was once a Boer Republic capital, and is still South Africa’s judicial capital.
In the evening I walk through downtown, a rare white face in a city turned African. Professional black families sit on balconies to catch the evening breeze. Young men rev hotrods at traffic lights. A large sandstone church, once filled with Afrikaners worshiping their white God, is packed with a well-dressed congregation of blacks singing foot-tapping gospels.
- The few whites, who had to venture downtown from their walled suburban homes, sit hunched behind steering wheels with the doors locked. Foreigners in their former capital, they pass like cloud-shadows across the land.
At an Orania guesthouse the next day, I meet a retired couple from Nelspruit. They sit on the front porch, sip tea, and watch the sun set. She, with hair shaped into a black helmet and eyes magnified behind thick glass, tells me: “Our children think we are mad coming here, but we have to find a safe place to live. The crime in Nelspruit is terrible, and getting worse. Four times they broke into our home.
- We have to chain our car to a tree so it won’t get dragged away. I can’t sleep anymore. The smallest noise, and I wake up; have to go check. Our friends have been killed; women we know raped...” Her voice grows with hysteria; eyes wide with remembered fear.
“It’s just terrible, terrible. Always locking doors, locking windows. We’re like prisoners in our own home. No one should have to live like this. I’m going mad, quite simply mad with fear.” Her husband tries to calm her. She takes a deep breath and strokes nonexistent wrinkles on her dress.
In an Orania packing shed, young Afrikaners with enviable tans and sun-bleached hair, pack melons for export to Europe. They wear the unofficial uniform of South African farm laborers everywhere - black rubber boots, blue overalls and threadbare tee shirts.
- They came from towns like Newcastle and Kimberly where work, particularly for Afrikaans males is scarce. Ten years of the New South Africa has pushed these young men to the bottom of the food chain. Undereducated, white and often racist, their only hope lies in finding manual work at a place like Orania. So for $9/day they work where no blacks may; wielding shovels, swinging pick, harvesting melons, pruning 20,000 pecan trees. They hate it here, but it's a living.
The town folk, 51% of whom are university graduates, look down on them. Young women are scare, and extramarital sex is forbidden anyway. They can’t get drunk, can’t play their music too loud. The bright spot for many of them is the racial isolation. The bigotry is blatant, not hidden behind a veil of intellectual contortions: “A kaffir (disparaging term for a Black person) is a kaffir,” says Tiene Martines, 17. “He just stinks.”
Orania school: Kenweb’s pass rate of 100%
In big vats of molasses, children at the Volk School Orania, cultivate microorganisms. This school, with a graduation rate of 100%, is regarded as a model of progressive education. A self-directed, computer-based learning system called KenWeb, was developed here, and is exported to home-schoolers around the world.
- Anna Boshoff, daughter of apartheid-era Prime Minister H.R. Verwoerd, is the principle of the school. The children treat her like a grandmother. One of her sons, Wynand Boshoff, is head teacher.
A guest speaker demonstrates an earth building technique. Wynand takes off shoes and mixes mud with the students. Mrs. Boshoff explains how Effective Microorganisms, or EM, works: “ 80% of microorganisms have little known benefit, 10% are harmful, and 10% are vital to maintain an ecological balance. Conventional farming practices have upset this balance. Through a company in Japan we buy EM spores, which we cultivated in vats of molasses. The EM-rich liquid is then sold to local farmers. They feed it to their cattle, spray it on their crops, put it in the water. In time, animals get healthier, crops stronger, and balance is again restored to the land.”
Maybe Orania is itself a big vat of molasses for the Boer people. A place in the semi-desert where they can preserve their own culture, and cultivate that which they require to survive.
Why couldn’t Ras Dumisani sing the national anthem? And why was the SA flag upside down?
2009-11-18 CAPE TOWN. Furious members of Parliament have accused Ras Dumisani, the reggae singer who butchered the national anthem on Friday night at an international rugby match in France, of treason.
The rasta singer sang the anthem before the rugby match between the French and the Springboks in Toulouse, France, and would have been embarrassed had he appeared before the parliamentary portfolio committee for sport on Tuesday, writes Beeld journalist Lizel Steenkamp.
"It is treason! I don't know how he could get onto the stage if he couldn’t sing the anthem. He is ready for retirement," stated committee member and ANC MP, Litho Suka. He said an apology alone was not good enough, and that the South African official who had recommended Dumisani to the French, should also be held accountable.
Butana Komphela, ANC MP and committee chairperson, also wanted to know why nobody had checked beforehand whether "that rasta man" could sing. "Our anthem is our pride, but that was a pathetic version." Komphela phoned Oregan Hoskins, president of the South African Rugby Union, immediately after the test to convey his displeasure.
Committee members want to talk to the Department of International Relations and Co-operation to prevent a repeat of the incident, in which South Africa's flag was also flown upside down. One possibility was to supply a uniform recording of the national anthem to South African embassies, which could be played at sporting events. http://www.news24.com/Content/SouthAfrica/News/1059/bc5a3a23b20646029725154337aa1aa1/18-11-2009-09-01/Rasta_singer_accused_of_treason
Thursday, 19 November 2009. JOHANNESBURG. A boycot campaign has been launched by SA expat John Kerlen, left, against Vodafone, the South African subsidiary of UK-based telecommunications company Vodacom -- over its racist investment scheme YeboYethu, launched in 2008. Its CEO Vittorio Colaio lives in the UK.
This multinational company allowed only people of colour to purchase its Yebo Yethu share-blocks. Its prospectus was very clear on this score: they specifically disqualified ‘white’ people from participating… Read Prospectus – Page 5:
And while Vodafone ‘s deadline to participate in the shares-investment scheme has already expired in 2008, boycot initiator John Kerlen, who was raised in Norkem Park, Johannesburg but now lives and works in the UK, still wants people to boycot their products: to act as a deterrent against other companies thinking of launching such racist schemes.
We have asked CEO Vittorio Colaio to comment and will publish his reply as soon as it’s received. The least he should do, is to apologise.
Picture of Mr John Kerlen fr om his website: http://vittoriocolaoisaracist.blogspot.com/2009/11/boycott-vodafone.html
Mr Kerlen writes that he also is the UK representative for the Cape Independence Party – which also boycots the World Cup 2010 football tournaments to be held in South Africa in June 2010. Censorbugbear-Reports also supports the WC2010 boycot – our records indicate that South Africa is far too dangerous for foreign tourists. view my youtube video
‘ Well in all honesty – you’re not the right colour…’
Kerlen email@example.com writes:
- “Imagine for one minute if you will the following scenario: You’ve worked hard, have some spare cash and you would like to invest. After “shopping around” you find a cellular network that is a global company and you decide that you want to buy some shares in the company. So you download the prospectus, see that everything looks fine and then WHAM! You don’t qualify because, well in all honesty you’re not the right colour.
- You’re only allowed to invest if you’re black. Plain as day, in the prospectus there for all to see is the following script: Here's a link to the prospectus: http://www.yeboyethu.co.za/pdf/full.pdf
Vodacom is the South African subsidiary of Vodafone and Kerlen urges boycots of both companies products; writing :” In a world where all are supposed to be equal, it seems some are more equal than others...”
pictures: above are the advertising blurbs for the YeboYethu shares-investment scheme launched by Vodafone in South Africa in 2008 – and which very emphatically excluded all whites from participating.
The Boycot Vodafone website urges supporters to copy and paste their material and send it to their entire mailing list – as well as to local MPs, editors of newspapers etc. “. In a few easy steps you can help us to stop Vodafone being racist, “ Kerlen writes – urging participants to also copy the Vodafone CEO at firstname.lastname@example.org as he lives in the UK.
“In this day and age when everyone is supposed to be equal it is quite surprising and shocking to find that certain global companies, in this case Vodafone, implement and practice racist policies. Vodafone, owns and is involved in various companies, in South Africa they own Vodacom, also a cellular/mobile phone network. Did you know that Vodacom is selling shares via it’s “Yebo Yethu” marketing campaign which only people of colour are allowed to purchase? Read the prospectus: http://www.yeboyethu.co.za/pdf/full.pdf
Did you notice anything in that document that didn’t seem right? Of course you did, but just in case you didn’t here’s a few lines from the document itself:
- “Learn to speak like a shareholder because now Vodacom is giving every black South African the chance to become one. Yeboyethu is Vodacom’s way of giving black South Africans the opportunity to share in the success of South Africa’s leading cellular network.”
So who in South Africa is qualified to take part in the Yebo Yethu Vodafone investment scheme?
- Here’s their own list:
• Black people (African, coloured, Indian and Chinese) “who are natural persons and citizens of South Africa through birth, decent, or naturalisation occurring before 27 April 1994.”
• Black Groups ( black companies and black entities, including stokvels) incorporated or formed in South Africa.
• Black business partners who have been invited to participate.
- What may disqualify me from becoming a shareholder in Yeboyethu?
• If you are not a black person or a black group as defined in the prospectus. “
The company which owns Vodacom-South Africa is an international player in telecommunications. We are campaigning for all decent like minded people across the world to boycott Vodafone, Vodacom and Telkom products. If we allow this to continue, which company will next restrict potential shareholders/investors by virtue of race?
Boycot them: besides sending this email to everyone on your mailing list, you can also take another mobile phone provider such as
Lastly here is a list of additional email addresses of the CEOs of the various telecommunication companies that operate in the United Kingdom.
Prospectus of Yebo Yethu investment scheme for black South Africans: http://www.yeboyethu.co.za/pdf/full.pdf